Navigational Aspects of Stone Labyrinths and Compass Cards.
Christer Westerdahl
It may not sound very likely that material remains on the Scandinavian coastline could mark any specific navigational aspects, except perhaps sailing marks and the general locations of fishing camps. In the latter case I refer to examples of local maintenance of pilotage and reference marks for fishing on adjacent islands. Indications of an organised system for navigational aid would appear even less likely. However, the present author in dealing with the distribution of stone labyrinths in the Baltic has taken this opportunity to present a hypothesis on a connection between medieval pilotage and the construction of labyrinths. Partly this hypothesis has been based on the excellent material provided by John Kraft (Kraft 1977,1982,1986 etc.) and on the southern maritime itinerary of c.1300 (Westerdahl 1990).
The main areas for surviving stone labyrinths are Sweden with c.350 labyrinths and Finland with c.200. The stone labyrinths of the north can safely be divided into two distinct groups: the inland labyrinths, probably found only in Sweden, sometimes in association with Iron Age gravefields; and the coastal labyrinths, which make up the vast majority. These two groups may well date from different periods.
It would seem that even though this type of monument is vulnerable, it can be surmised that the known statements, old or recent, on the distribution of coastal stone labyrinths, together with the official survey of ancient monuments, do provide a fairly complete view of the original area of distribution as a whole.
It is probable that most of the labyrinths were laid out in the pattern of an original prototype found in the neighbourhood. This process can be followed into modern times. Both groups are in fact involved, although the inland type display fewer cases of recent interest than the coastal type. It also appears that the original labyrinths of the Norrland coast cannot be older than the Middle Ages, to judge from the rate of land uplift and a couple of other less decisive considerations.
  The distribution of stone labyrinths in Fennoscandia. After John Kraft. The area of Ångermanland & Medelpad is marked.
  Compass card, Haraskär, Ångermanland. Photo by Christer Westerdahl, 1976.
The so-called compass cards, laid out in stones, are often a companion to the labyrinths and in these cases possibly contemporary. Some of the combinations are found at pilotage sites during later, historical, times. Although the Venetian Fra Mauro of the 15th century explicitly states that the compass was not used in the Baltic, the compass cards could be medieval in origin.
The pattern of north-south orientation does not necessarily require a magnetic  compass to be established, particularly in the enclosed waters of the Baltic. This is probably also one of the reasons why the compass was not used, and why the sounding lead for a long time remained the sole navigational implement in the area (on Norway and the Atlantic cf.Wikander 1991).
It is obvious that most coastal labyrinth sites can be attributed to fishing communities, since they are almost exclusively found at seasonal fishing camps, harbours and net sites. This might of course be a secondary development, given the general absence of absolute dating, but a relative chronology based on land uplift does not exclude this close relationship. However, only a small minority of all known fishing harbours (16th-18th centuries) contain stone labyrinths. The present author (Westerdahl 1985:176ff) has shown that the labyrinths cannot be associated with a particular group among the fishermen of the north, i.e. the far-ranging fishing burghers of the south (commonly called Gävle burghers, but comprising fishermen from almost all towns of northern Uppland and the Mälaren lake area inland of Stockholm). There is definitely no close relationship between the so-called Gävelbo harbours and the sites of the labyrinths. The inevitable conclusion would be that the origin of the labyrinths is local to a considerable degree.
It can be observed in the waters of multi-island archipelagoes that the sites of old stone labyrinths (and to some extent compass cards) rather correspond to old sailing routes than to primary fishing grounds (e.g. Åland; per com Bo Stjernström). Nevertheless, this reasoning presupposes an independent knowledge on old sailing routes, which sometimes would appear rather doubtful. Moreover, the current tendency is not possible is not possible to ascertain where the coast is devoid of islands and roughly only one coast hugging route is possible.
Along the Norrland coast the stone labyrinths occur in concentrations of a particular character in the central and northern parts. There are no labyrinths at all in the very south. The first appear at Enskär (discovered recently and the Prästgrundet islets at the entrance to the present town of Söderhamn in Hälsingland. The groups at Kuggören/Bålsön outside of Hudiksvall further north in the same province and those of Lörudden in the Brämösundet strait in Medelpad would appear to reflect the transition to other coastal features.
Here the sailor from the south meets either a straight coast with few islands, or the outskirts of the steep and high coast of Ångermanland. Only scattered occurrences then remain in Ångermanland, except in the north, before the High Cost meets the Baltic plain with its gentle slope and dangerous shoals. Here are found two obvious concentrations in the parish of Grundsunda on the Skag peninsula and at the island of Snöan a little further north. The next sites are situated close to Umeå and on the island of Stora Fjäderägg, where a transit route passes to the opposite Finnish coast. The labyrinths grow dense in north Västerbotten and the group at Bjuröklubb/Vånöra certainly lies at another transit point to new coastal features (a marked indentation). Finally there is a great number of stone labyrinths in the northernmost area, Norrbotten, where we find the only archipelago comparable to those at Stockholm and Åbo (Turku). Thus the topographical study seems to confirm the grouping of labyrinths, possibly the oldest at that, close to the entrances of the most important navigational transit areas. It is also obvious that the labyrinths of the Norrland coast as a whole show a preponderance to the north.
For some reason there is also a striking correspondence between the distribution of stone labyrinths and the Swedish-speaking coastline settlements, i.e. medieval colonisation areas of Swedes, in upper Norrland, Finland and Estonia (the Estonian Swedes left Estonia in 1944). Other coastal labyrinths are especially found along the central part of the Swedish east coast, thereby creating a pattern roughly equal to the sailing route indicated by the itinerary of King Valdemar's tax register of c.1300 (the oldest of the Baltic; Westerdahl 1990). The route leads from Scania/Blekinge in medieval Denmark to Reval (present-day Tallinn) in Estonia. Possibly there is even a connection between this route and the process of colonisation along the shores of the Gulf of Finland?
In the case of Estonia there is no reason to doubt the plausibility nor the authenticity of the old vernacular tradition stating that one of the reasons for the settlement of the Swedes was the need for reliable pilots and the supervision of routes and shipwrecks (e.g. Russwurm 1855). The disputes between the town burghers, the church, the kings and the coastal dwellers on the right to shipwrecks during the middle ages are notorious. Probably the Danish crown and the German ecclesiastic authorities encouraged colonisation in this occupied enemy territory partly for this reason in the 13th and early 14th centuries. The special status of the Estonian Swedes (Swedish law prevailed through many masters) may have been accorded as a special favour for these services (on the colonisation of Reval and the Estonian coast cf.Johansen 1951, Jakobsson 1980).
The situation was partly the same in Finland, which was subjugated by Sweden during several campaigns, and even to some extent in upper Norrland, particularly present-day Norrbotten. Possibly, therefore, some kind of pilotage would have ben expected by the crown, and the church, from some of the new coastal and archipelago dwellers. Equivalent favours would also have been accorded them by the crown or its agents as in the case of later times (tax exemption or reduction, freedom from regular levy service?). The shortage of manpower and of maritime experience is a recurrent feature in the Baltic, especially for the crowns to implement their political schemes. This chronic shortage may not be so unique to the North; Braudel gives a couple of good examples on the situation in the Mediterranean (Braudel 1949/1966, II:2, Weakness of the Maritime Regions 2nd rev.ed. p.140ff).
The correspondence of Swedish-speaking areas and the distribution of coastal labyrinths is not quite unambiguous, neither in Finland or in Estonia. Some of them are found outside of these areas may however be younger and/or have been laid out according to prototypes in the Swedish areas. Others occur in areas which have changed language over time. According to the evidence of tradition and place names these waters were at any rate exploited in historical times by Swedish-speaking fishermen and seal hunters.
The intention is thus not to find an ethnical signal in the original labyrinths but thereby to delimit an occupational group of fishermen. The purpose of the labyrinths seems to be magical in a most general sense (Kraft 1982). It is even possible that the very figure of a labyrinth or a compass card may have indicated guidance. The pattern is of a multi-purpose symbol from classical antiquity, and has, as far as we know, nothing to do with any particular group. But the essence of symbols is that they are exceedingly constant over time. Labyrinths were once undoubtedly a symbol of the Church, as attested by labyrinthine patterns painted or incised inside medieval churches throughout Scandinavia (see Caerdroia 1991, pp29-37). The centre is thus supposed to be the alter. One stone labyrinth at Fröjel, Gotland, is actually found on the site of a church and partly destroyed by the building. This church is dated between 1166 and 1200 (Fröjel, Gotland; Lexikon des Mittelalters, 1991: Labyrinth, KLNM: trojeborg). A secondary and quite relevant possibility is the symbolism of the inlaid stone labyrinths in the cathedral floors of western Europe. "In the Middle Ages these mazes were thought to represent the pilgrimage route to the Holy Land" (Gimpel 1974: 119,cf.e.g. Wyffel-Simoens 1957). In the centre the architects of the church were sometimes depicted. The most famous example of such a labyrinth still extant is in the cathedral of Chartres (Gimpel loc cit).
In the north it seems that the movement to the north and east would suffice to give meaningful substance to the ideology of pilgrimage and crusades. Among the most active were the church leaders, secular or regular, especially the Swedish archbishops of Uppsala. At least one bishop died out there, sword in hand. The "crusades" to the east were quite explicitly thought so, and the most important pilgrimage route led along parts of the Norrland coast where the inland route started to Nidaros (Trondheim) with the shrine of St.Olav. At the same time the establishment of a safe route system is a necessary prerequisite in medieval, as well as other, state formation. It would be even more rewarding to surmise the need of a signal to an independent recipient, i.e. the sailor. If the ship reaches a fishing camp and the pilot or fishermen are out fishing or inland, possibly even guiding other ships, it would be practical to indicate where to find the pilots. The symbol in question could also serve in the opposite sense of an obligation by the fishermen occupying the site towards foreign mariners. The stone labyrinths would not of course be enough, even if put at the very shore, and other signals (crosses, poles?) could have assisted. In this case the labyrinths would probably be found close to an anchorage site, where the ship could be observed or from which the crew would notice the signs.
The expected dating of the oldest stone labyrinths would, according to this theory, be the 13th and 14th centuries, when there would have been an extreme need for reliable pilots during maritime expeditions for colonisation and settlement in the north and east Baltic. Secondly, if the symbolic value of the labyrinths remained unchanged during the later part of the Middle Ages, the reorganisation of pilotage and sailing marks during the strong reign of King Gustavus Vasa (1521-1560) would also be of possible interest in this connection.
  Stone labyrinth, Haraskär, N.Ångermanland.  ATA, 1941.
Dating the Stone Labyrinths
Two new dating methods, correlated with the land uplift, have been developed at the University of Umeå, within the Centre for Arctic Research. One is based on the measurement of growth of certain species of lichens, lichenometry; the other on the weathering of rocks, Schmidt's Hammer Test (ed: see Caerdroia 1989, pp.19-21, Caerdroia 1990, p.31.) 
Using mainly lichenometry dating, 20 stone labyrinths in Västerbotten and one in Norrbotten have been dated to 1500-1550 (Broadbent/Sjöberg 1990). The height of these sites above sea-level (a.s.l.) does however not exclude the possibility of earlier dates for these labyrinths.
Location	Ht. (m)	Diameter
(mm)	Dating
(ad)	Comments	
Norrbotten:					
Jävre	>30	155/104	1299-1476	Schmidt test C15th	
Västerbotten:					
Skötgrönnan	5	46/38	1677-1706		
Svarthällsviken, Burön	3	92/-	1638-1648		
Grundskatan, Bjurön 	13.5	95/90	1507-1525		
Ratan 1	20	85-67	1542-1604		
Ratan 2	20	46/31	1678-1730		
Stora Fjäderägg:					
WNW gamla hamnen	8	85/80	1524-1560	(the old harbour)	
NW gamla hamnen	11	80/75	1560-1577	(the old harbour)	
E Kyrkdiket	8	85/76	1560-1573	the larger of a pair	
E Kyrkdiket	8	70/51	1595-1660	the smaller example	
SE of island	8	90/87	1525-1533	associated with:	
	8	110/103	1456-1479	stone compass card	
N side of island	7	90/-	1525		
Lilla Fjäderägg:					
N side of island	c8	90/70	1525-1597	associated with:	
	c8	70/61	1597-1629	stone compass card	
Snöan: 					
Snöan Chapel	c7	30-25	1816-1850	next to the chapel	
S Jaärnhällan	c7	100/85 	1493-1545		
S tip of island	c7	65/50	1615-1667		
Middle old harbour	c5	87/-	1538		
800m N of chapel	c7	90/-	1525		
900m N of chapel	c7	90/-	1525		
E side of N tip	c8	130/-	1388		
Kronören:					
Långroudden	c7	107/86	1433-1555		

  Stone labyrinth sites of the Skag peninsula area, northern Ångermanland. Immediately west of the Tvärlandsberget labyrinth (spiral) lies Kyrkesviken. The inland route to the west passes by way of a short portage (Skede) and at the Kyrkesviken isthmus itself there may have been another during the early Medieval. The present author considers the location of Kyrkesviken indicates a transit point for the change of stage vessels and available pilotage for waters north of this area.
  Labyrinth sites in Ångermanland & Medelped. Note the characteristic concentration in the north, around the Kyrkesviken site.
As might be expected there are both early and more recent labyrinths in this material. At best, the results point to the earliest construction date of the labyrinths in Norrland during the 15th century, possibly even the 14th century. The maximum age is determined by the land upheaval, which would amount to 7 or 8 metres for the 13th and 14th centuries.
Measurements at 19 labyrinths (and 2 crosses/compass cards) on the following parts of the coast to the south (Sjöberg 1991, co-produced with Westerdahl 1991) gave the following results:
Location	Ht.
(m.)	Diameter
(mm.)	Dating
(ad)	Comments	
Ångermanland:					
Själnöhamn, Grundsunda	10	65/-	1518		
Själnöhamn 2	10	41/-	1632		
Malnviken 1	1	4	-	not measurable	
Malnviken 2	2	4	-	not measurable	
Vörtskär	-	12	-	not measurable	
Husum E	4	35/35	1660	stone spiral	
Tvärlandsberget	35	72	1485	stone spiral	
Haraskär	142	10	37	1651	
Haraskär	15	41	1632	stone spiral	
Haraskär	13	62	1533		
Haraskär 143	1	8	-	not measurable	
Haraskär 143	2	8	-	not measurable	
Haraskär 144	15	65	1519	cross/compass card	
Haraskär 146	5	59	1547	ground cross	
Stubbsandviken	5	83	1433		
Bredsand	4	-	-	built 1970!	
Medelpad:					
Lörudden 60	6	52	1457		
Lörudden 60a	6	-	-	not measurable	
Lörudden 61	6	69	1355		
Lörudden 62	10	74	1299		
Hälsingland:					
Kuggören	10	64	1371		
Accordingly, the oldest known stone labyrinths from the Norrland coast, date back to the late 13th century. One of the first prerequisites for the theory has been fulfilled. It is particularly important in this evaluation to remember the discussion of prototypes. Such prototypes were supplied by the oldest labyrinth at each site.
NB. In the tables above: Ht., the height above sea level (in metres) is given for each site; Diameter of maximum/average lichen thalli (in mm.) on exposed stones of the labyrinth or compass card; Dating, derived from the measured lichen growth contains an obvious margin of error, the dates given indicate the range, i.e. 1524-1560 = 1542±18y. Single samples from certain sites produce spot dates.
Dating Seasonal Settlements
The second part of the evidence is provided by dated remains of fishing camps, such sites are profuse in the area, but most are undated. However, the rate of land uplift gives them a maximum age. 14th century dated remnants are few. These seem, generally speaking, to have started in the Migration Age (AD 400-550) with a Viking Age heyday in fishing (AD 800-1050). It is too early to talk of stagnation during the High Middle Ages but little is currently known on that period. Possibly the export of salmon catches were of paramount interest during the period after the Lateran Councils in 1215. A new structure emerges later. In the 16th century the old sites are deserted (Broadbent 1989).
The new economic by c.1450 is that of large-scale fishing and the primary new resource is assumed to be Baltic herring (Broadbent op cit:163). The probable seasonal harbours making a part of continuous centres of maritime culture (Westerdahl e.g.1989, fig.35:p.58) are for the first time marked by chapel sites, such as:
•	Jungfruhamn, Västerbotten
•	Kyrkesviken, Ångermanland
•	Prästhus/hamn, Ångermanland
•	Jättholmarna, Hälsingland
•	Arnöviken, Hälsingland
•	Bergön, Hälsingland
•	Bålsön/Kuggören, Hälsingland
•	Drakön, Hälsingland
•	Storjungfrun, Hälsingland.

Of these sites Kyrkesviken and Drakön were certainly founded much earlier and may have a partly different background to the other (Kyrkesviken 12th-14th century, Drakön 14th-15th century). In 1559 the first recorded harbours of Gävle fishermen/burgher in Hälsingland were at Kuggesundh (Kuggören, with Bålzöö, or Bålsön island in 1591), Agönn (the present island of Agön) and Helgeöön (the island of Storjungfrun). Ten other teams are mentioned in Norlanden in the same year, obviously north of Hälsingland, but no specific sites are given. Perhaps the number of harbours was a corresponding ten. From other lists of harbours (1591 and 1613) it can safely be surmised that the predominant coastal area for long-range fishing was that of northern Ångermanland. The origins of these harbours can thus be placed at the very end of the period in question. There are only two which undoubtedly cover the interesting period of settlement/colonization of the extreme north of the Baltic. Kyrkesviken in northern Ångermanland is the oldest and St.Olofs hamn (St.Olav's harbour on Drakön in Hälsingland is slightly later. Already during the analysis of excavations on Drakön there have been different views on the character of this site. There are certain signs (such as the finding of a misericordia knife) which points to another social milieu than a regular fishing camp. House foundations are moreover much more stable than elsewhere (cf. Huggert 1978, Lundström 1981). The same peculiar traits are found in Kyrkesviken, although less seasonal (Huggert 1978, Grundberg 1989). During 1991 a silver ring similar to those of the Cistercian order found in the southerly monasteries of Gudhem and Alvastra was found at Kyrkesviken (pers.comm; Leif Grundberg; Örnsköldsvik). These indications may reflect such a specialised function of a fishing harbour as that required by a pilotage site. Besides, both harbours are situated precisely where the most obvious need for pilots has already been predicted. The Kyrkesviken site is pose at the presumed inner stage route at Skags udde promontory, where the most interesting concentration of labyrinths is to be found (see fig.5) along this entire coastline. The principle non-subsistence occupation of the inhabitants at Kyrkesviken might have been more connected with the stage rowing traffic rather than with actual pilotage. At Drakön, however, no stone labyrinths have been found.
A few other transit points are situated at other labyrinth sites. The most important of these is at Lörudden, with the oldest dated labyrinth so far (1299). While the fishing settlements on either side of the Brämösund strait have yet to be dated, there is nevertheless no reason to believe that the labyrinth of c.1300 at Lörruden predated the settlement at the site or at locations in the adjacent area. The continuity of significance of this maritime cultural centre hardly needs explanation, situated as it is, at the very spot where the High coast starts to the south.
Thus, this hypothesis is definitely not intended to explain all occurrences of coastal stone labyrinths, only those dated to the times coeval with the main process of maritime colonisation (the "crusades") and with the possible inception of pilotage in the coastal zone of the northern Baltic.
Christer Westerdahl, Malmö, Sweden.
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